In 1997 and 1998, Barry Horne, an imprisoned animal liberation activist, carried out 3 hunger strike protests against government policy on vivisection. The hunger strikes created massive publicity in the media, and brought worldwide attention to the plight of animals in laboratories, and to the collusion between politicians and the pharmaceutical industry. Barry's actions also provoked a huge upsurge in activism against vivisection and all animal abuse which shook the establishment and inspired a generation of activists.
This period was a watershed in the growth of the radical animal liberation movement. This is a chronological account of the hunger strikes compiled by those who were close to Barry throughout this period. If you have any further information, press cuttings, photos, from the time please contact us so we can build up a tribute to Barry's contribution to the animal liberation movement.
Barry and the Hunger Strike Campaigns.
In July 1996, Barry Horne, a long time animal liberation activist, was arrested while trying to plant timed incendiary devices at various premises in Bristol. Subsequently he was charged with several other incendiary attacks the previous year on the Isle of Wight, which had caused millions of pounds worth of damage to businesses mainly connected to vivisection. He was remanded in custody to Bristol prison to await trial.
The First Hunger Strike, January 1997
Six months later on January 6 1997, while still awaiting trial, Barry announced he would refuse all food until the government pledged to withdraw its support and funding for vivisection within the next 5 years. His plan was to highlight the government's support for animal experiments, which would in turn provoke an increase in action in the animal rights movement. His anger was heightened by the fact that the same government department which was responsible for keeping him in prison, the Home Office, was also responsible for supporting and licensing animal experiments. Within days of the beginning of the hunger strike, he was unexpectedly taken from his cell and transferred to another prison, HMP Bullingdon near Oxford
As planned, the hunger strike sparked off a big upsurge in activity. Just 12 days into the protest on Jan 18th a support vigil outside Bullingdon Prison was attended by hundreds of activists. Later in the day, crowds of activists stormed the nearby Harlan animal breeding centre at Blackthorn, where a massive amount of damage was caused as a small group of police looked on. The activists then converged on Hill Grove Farm, which bred cats for experiments. Here the owner Chris Brown could only hide as almost every window was broken and a tractor destroyed. Fourteen cats were were liberated from the sheds as activists escaped across fields. Later police reinforcements finally arrived, and 7 of the cats were recaptured and 26 activists arrested.
The hunger strike campaign had got off to an explosive start, and it was about to get even hotter for the vivisection industry.
The arrests failed to deter activists. The following week, on Saturday January 25th, there was a protest at Consort beagle breeders in Herefordshire, which was the subject of an ongoing campaign. The tension increased as the demo reached the kennels. Eventually crowds of activists broke through police lines to reach the cages, despite police attempts to hold them back using batons and cs gas. Despite a big police presence, 8 beagle puppies were taken from the cages and this time all the animals stayed free and were rehomed.
Later that same night, ALF activists destroyed 7 meat lorries with incendiary devices at a Buxted Poultry plant in Northamptonshire, an action which was dedicated to Barry Horne.
The following Saturday 1 February, another demo was planned at Dover in memory of Jill Phipps, a friend of Barry's who had been killed while trying to stop calves being exported from Coventry airport. The protest was attended by 300 activists, and it was clear that Barry's hunger strike protest had greatly increased both the numbers and the anger.
The determined crowds eventually overwhelmed the police yet again, and blocked the port of Dover for several hours. Later as the policed tried to restore order, a McDonalds in the town was heavily damaged by a group of activists. Later, in nearby countryside, activists stormed into Homestead Farm which breeds rabbits for vivisection and liberated 10 rabbits.
The movement had certainly been stirred up, but there was no reply from the politicians regarding Barry's hunger strike demands. It was the beginning of 1997, the dying days of the last Conservative government, and there was little hope of progress with them. However a general election was approaching, which Labour looked certain to win. Several Labour officials and MP's wrote to Barry's support campaign hinting that when Labour came to power they would act against vivisection. Among the various other measures promised were an end to certain types of experiments, such as LD50, draize eye tests, cosmetic, weapons, tobacco and alcohol tests, and a ban on all primate experiments.
One MP, the then Labour animal welfare spokesperson Elliot Morley, wrote "Labour is committed to a reduction and an eventual end to vivisection."
This was relayed to Barry in Prison. After much thought, he decided to end the hunger strike on 9th February, after 35 days. One of the aims of the hunger strike, to provoke action in the movement, had clearly been achieved. Barry would be keeping a close eye on whether the Labour Party kept its promises once in government.
Three months later in May 1997 the Labour party won the general election.
A few weeks later, in July Consort beagle breeders closed down, forced out of business by grass roots campaigners, and some of the credit for this was due to Barry's protest.
The Second Hunger Strike
Six months after the end of the hunger strike, Barry was back in Bristol
prison and had recovered his health.
While the Consort closure was welcome news, on a political level Barry was becoming concerned that Labour had no intention of carrying out even their limited pledges. They had failed to implement any one of their promises, and despite many correspondences, would not give any timetable on when any action would be taken.
On August 11th, Barry began his second hunger strike protest. This time his demand was that the government to withdraw all vivisection licences within an agreed time period. The Barry Horne Support Campaign was set up to mobilise support.
The following Saturday 16th, in a support action for Barry, in one evening activists caused extensive damage to the properties of 5 Oxford University vivisectors, including the infamous Colin Blakemore, famous for sewing up the eyes of kittens. A few days later on 19th August, an article appeared in the Independent newspaper about the hunger strike. Blakemore was interviewed, and was quoted as saying as he would consider granting groups such as the ALF "a place at the negotiating table." Barely a week into the hunger strike, and the pressure was already telling on the vivisectors.
The government was also under pressure to answer why it had not fulfilled its promises. In a further article in The Independent on August 20th, the second in two days about the hunger strike, a Home Office spokewoman, asked about the pre-election promises, was quoted as saying "December was a long time before the election", a clear hint that they had no intention of honouring their promises.
On Monday 25th August, two weeks into the hunger strike, the first mass protest saw 150 activists descend on Hill Grove Farm cat breeders near Witney, Oxfordshire. Unlike during the first hunger strike, the police were more prepared this time round, and all roads leading to the farm had been closed, all vehicles were stopped and searched, activists questionned. Undeterred, activists took to the woods and countryside surrounding the farm, causing mayhem for several hours as riot police gave chase and a helicopter circled overhead.
With the farm surrounded by hundreds of police, around 100 activists regrouped in the woods, and walked the short distance to hold a demo at the holiday home of the then Home Secretary Jack Straw. By an incredible coincidence, the government minister in charge of the Home Office had a property in the same small village as Hill Grove Farm, the prime target of anti-vivisection activists throughout the country.
However a further 100 police were surrounding the property, many with boiler suits and no numbers on their shoulders. They aggressively pushed the protesters away from the building before any demo could start. Two who didn't move quickly enough were bundled to the ground and arrested in a no-nonsense operation.
Throughout the rest of the evening and into the night, the activists made repeated attempts to reach the farm, and it took the efforts of hundreds of riot police, around a dozen vehicles, and two police helicopters to protect the farm from the crowd.
Two days later on Wednesday 27th August, 60 activists effectively blockaded the London offices of the Labour Party for over an hour, before police arrived in large numbers and pushed protesters across the road. On the same day in the north of England, dozens of protesters blockaded Huntingdon Life Sciences' site in Wilmslow, Cheshire (since closed). Also on 27th August, there were support demos for Barry in the US states of New York and Minneapolis. The campaign was growing and spreading far and wide.
In Sweden, the following day on August 28th, during a whole week of action in support of Barry, activists broke into Stockholm University's vivisection labs, causing damage and rescuing rats, . The same day 4 activists were arrested at a rooftop demo at a cancer research shop in Bristol, also in support of Barry.
Two days later on Saturday 30th August 150 activists marched on BIBRA toxicology lab at Carshalton in south-west London (since closed), and were greeted by a massive police presence, including around 20 riot vans, police horses and police dogs. Outnumbered, the crowd made several unsuccessful attempts to gain access, but were forced back by police. Eventually they carried out a noisy march through Carshalton and surrounding streets.
Demonstrations were now attracting many times more people than usual due
to the hunger strike. It was taking massive state resources to protect animal
abuse establishments from angry and determined activists.
Next Day, Sunday 31st August, over 200 protesters turned up to a fur demo at Windmill Mink Farm in Dorset. Again ranks of police surrounded the premises, though two fur farmers were injured after being foolish enough to confront the crowd. Police were not on hand later the same day when activist moved on to a nearby farm in Ringwood, Hants, which supplied ferrets for vivisection. A large amount of damage was caused to windows, doors and cars, and only the appearance of the farmer's wife with a shotgun prevented animals being taken. In yet another action on the same day, a group of activists liberated a few dozen hens from a battery farm not far from the mink farm.
The hunger strike protest was still only 3 weeks old, and there were support demos and actions every day in the UK and throughout the world. The aim of mobilising the movement had been very successful. However, after the initial publicity in the first days of the protest, media coverage had become almost non-existent. The death of Princess Diana, also on 31st August, meant even less chance of gaining publicity in the media, though as there was a virtual news blackout anyway, it didn't make that much difference.
Even so actions continued unabated and reports of demos poured in. In this vacuum of publicity, a regular bulletin from the Barry Horne Support Campaign was mailed out every week without fail to supporters in the UK and around the world (email and the internet was not widely used in those days!).
In several parts of the UK slogans began appearing on motorways such as "SUPPORT BARRY HORNE, END VIVISECTION NOW", seen in places as far afield as Newcastle, Oxford, Yorkshire, South Wales and Brighton.
At the same time many thousands of letters and emails of protest were flooding into the Home Office and MP's in support of Barry's demands.
On September 7th, day 27 of the hunger strike, the campaign took a new twist. Using the tactics employed by peace campaigners and road protesters, 60 activists set up a permanent camp in support of Barry directly opposite the main gates of Huntingdon Life Sciences (HLS) main complex near Huntingdon. The effect on HLS was profound, with a permanent anti-vivisection presence right on their doorstep, vivisectors and support staff were faced with a permanent presence of anti-vivisection activists every time they arrived or left the site.
As well as twice daily demos at the gates to greet the workers, there were frequent night-time actions with fences cut and property attacked. .
HLS had been under pressure since an undercover investigation earlier in 1997, which had revealed scenes of cruelty, neglect and malpractice, including the infamous scenes of beagle dogs being punched in the face. The investigation had received much publicity, and the outcry forced the the Home Office to at least be seen to be doing something. It was announced that HLS would be given until November 30th to improve its practices, or it would have its licence to experiment on animals withdrawn.
The publicity had led to a collapse in the company's share price, wiping £80 million off their share price overnight, and they were temporarily delisted from the Stock Exchange. Over half their customers either withdrew contracts, or refused to place new work with the company. Even the vivisection industry was keen to distance themselves from HLS. David Christopher, Research Laboratories Director of HLS, suddenly resigned from the Animal Procedures Committee, the Home Office body which was supposed to regulate animal experiments. The pro-vivisection Research Defence Society announced in its July newsletter that it had suspended HLS from its corporate membership.
Now the pressure was being stepped up further. As well as the Huntingdon camp, there were almost daily protests at the HLS site in Wilmslow, Cheshire. (HLS had bought the site from Ciba Geigy, but in doing so they also took on an ongoing campaign by local activists who now joined forces with those already targeting HLS' main site).
However HLS was only a part of the picture. As Barry's hunger strike moved into a second month, and concern for his health grew, the campaign was being waged on a broad front. The campaign support bulletin reported that on a single day, Friday 12th September, there were protests at the Home Office in London, and at the Labour Party office in Southampton, while overseas there were demos at British Embassy in The Hague, Holland and at the British Consulate in Cleveland, Ohio, USA, and an anti vivisection protest at Umea University in Sweden, which ended in scuffles with vivisectors as activists tried to storm the labs. .
The following day, Saturday 13th September, around 40 activists tried to hold a demo at the notorious agricultural research station at Babraham, but the demo was effectively smothered by over 200 police in full riot gear.
Later the same day, 13th September, there was another mass night protest at Hill Grove Cat Farm.With police once again surrounding the farm and blocking off roads, large groups of protesters spent the night roaming the woods, using megaphones, sirens and setting off firecrackers as a police helicopter circled ahead almost all night. The Hill Grove campaign was now in full swing, with regular protests and leafleting of every house in the area.
Next Day, Sunday 14th, over 400 activists turned up to another high profile target, Shamrock Farm in West Sussex which imported monkeys for vivisection (like Hillgrove, this farm is long gone now). Protesters blocked the road, and there were angry scenes and scuffles as others tried to get into the farm. A massive police presence ensured that just one activist managed to scale the fence and get onto the roof.
The following day, Monday 15th, HLS went to court in an attempt to evict the Huntingdon camp. Despite a team of highly paid lawyers, the action failed when a judge granted a 7 day adjournment, giving the camp crucial time to dig in.
On Thursday 18th a public meeting organised by the Hill Grove campaign drew over 80 people, mostly concerned locals. Actions against HLS and Hill Grove were now daily occurences.
On 18th September, the same day as the Hill Grove public meeting, two HLS animal technicians, Andrew Mash and Robert Waters appeared in court for causing unnecessary cruelty in connection with the undercover investigation which had caused HLS such trouble. They received community service orders and were ordered to pay costs. Three days later activists struck at the home of Andrew Mash in Godmanchester, and smashed over 20 windows.
Two days later, on Saturday 20th the action moved to Wickham animal labs in Hampshire, where 300 activists marched on the site. Yet again riot police, barbed wire and security fencing kept out the angry crowd. Nearby however police were not in attendance as activists smashed the windows and patio doors at the home of Wickham director William Cartmel in Southampton.
The following day, Sunday 21st, over 150 people turned up to a special
Animal Rights Coalition/Barry Horne Support Campaign meeting which was held
at the Huntingdon camp. After the meeting, there was a large demo at the
gates as staff left work. After one car struck two protesters carrying placards,
the angry crowd surged forward, and 3 protesters were arrested as police
struggled to protect the labs. Another three activists broke through the
police lines, scaled the fence and got onto the roof of HLS, where they
stayed for several days gaining much publicity.
The pressure was now so intense that the government was forced into action. It was 6 weeks since the beginning of the hunger strike, and Barry's health was failing fast. The support letters, phone calls and emails were now flooding into the Home Office.
On Thursday 25th September, a then Home Office Minister, Lord Williams of Mostyn (who later became Attorney General), contacted Barry's supporters with an offer of dialogue between government officials and Barry's supporters. Barry was allowed a phone call from Bristol Prison to discuss the offer with his campaign supporters.
Barry agreed to a meeting between his supporters and a Home Office delegation. He decided to call off the protest at midnight the following day, Friday Sept 26th, after 46 days on hunger strike.
The campaign had achieved many of its aims. There had been another huge upsurge in activism, nationally and internationally. The vivisection industry and the individuals involved had come under pressure as never before. And though the government had still not acted, it had at least been forced to justify its failure to honour its pre-election promises.
However there were ominous signs of the government's bad faith almost immediately. Within days of the end of the hunger strike it emerged that the Home Office had been in talks with HLS executives, and had withdrawn the threat to terminate their vivisection licence. Soon afterwards, police and bailiffs moved in to physically evict the camp outside HLS labs. The eviction took several days as one activist remained long after the others, locked in a safe buried underground, which was widely reported in the media.
It was also reported that the number of animal experiments was set to rise for the first time in over 2 decades.
At the Home Office talks on October 10th, three supporters put questions to government officials on Barry's behalf. Among this issues on the agends were Labour's unfilled pre-election promises, the blatant bias of the Animal Procedures Committee , the inadequate inspecorate regime, and the decision to support HLS despite its terrible record.
The most important question was how did the first rise in the number of experiments in 25 years equate with the government's pre-election promise of a "reduction and an eventual end of vivisection".
Nevertheless, the meeting was recorded, and a copy was sent to Barry in prison, who was still very unwell, making a slow and painful recovery, and certainly in no position to make any judgement at this stage.
Barry's Trial and Sentencing
There was also another matter which Barry would now have to deal with, his forthcoming trial at Bristol Crown Court. The two hunger strike protests had taken place while Barry was still on remand.
Just over a month after the end of a 6 week hunger strike, Barry went on trial at Bristol Crown Court on November 12th. He pleaded guilty to attempted arson in Bristol, but he denied involvement in the earlier Isle of Wight attacks which had caused so much damage.
Although there was no direct evidence to link Barry to the Isle of Wight attacks, the prosecution claimed that the devices in both cases were so similar that they were made by the same person, and he was convicted on all charges.
Three weeks later, on 5th December Barry was sentenced to 18 years in prison, the longest sentence ever handed out to an animal activist.
Barry begins his sentence, and a third hunger strike.
Over the next 6 months Barry continued to recover, and to evaluate the lessons learned from the last hunger strike. He was transferred from Bristol to the top security Full Sutton prison near York.
As summer ended, he made up his mind that the government acted in bad faith at the end of the previous hunger strike. Supporters contacted the government on his behalf. He set the date of September 26th 1998, exactly a year on from the end of the second hunger strike, as a deadline for the government to respond positively.
When the date passed, he resolved to carry out a 3rd hunger strike protest. Two weeks later, at midnight on October 6th 1998 he again began refusing food.
A newsletter and website were again set up to support the campaign. The campaign newsletter this time was produced by the Animals Betrayed Coalition (ABC), an umbrella group set up to highlight all of the government's promises regarding animals, including the fur trade and hunting, as well as vivisection.
As this was the third hunger strike, it would be more difficult to motivate the movement or to get publicity than the previous occasions. Barry and his supporters were aware that he it could be some weeks before there was much impact this time.
Even so, the number of actions and the amount of awareness began to grow again. On October 11th, 5 days into the protest, Finnish activists carried out a support action dedicated to Barry when they released 400 foxes and 200 raccoons from a fur farm, and destroyed a killing machine.
The following Saturday October 17th, saw the first big protest of the hunger strike, when hundreds of activists turned up to Hill Grove Cat Farm. With feelings running so high again, the police used special powers to cordon off the area, closing down public roads and preventing any access to the farm. This time, instead of taking to the woods, activists regrouped in nearby Oxford city centre where a whole day of mayhem followed. Traffic was brought to a standstill as protests were held at animal labs and vivisector Colin Blakemore's home. Riot police made 13 arrests as they struggled to restore order and clear the streets.
The following Tuesday October 20th there was a large demo at the Home Office in London to support Barry's demands. Later crowds of activists stormed animal labs at King's College and at the Institute of Neurology, where there were scuffles with staff and fire alarms were set off.
Reports of actions dedicated to Barry continued to come in from the UK and around the world.
Another support demo in Oxford on October 31st led to two arrests. Later activists caused damage to the nearby vivisection breeders Park Farm, as well as a battery hen farm where all vehicles were disabled. Elsewhere twenty activists occupied the London offices of drug company merial, customers of Hill Grove, while many smaller demos and vigils were held around the country outside labs and Labour Party offices.
Large painted slogans again began to appear on motorways bridges and in town centres highlighting the hunger strike.
Supporters once again began to deluge the Home Office with letters, emails and faxes demanding action.
Initially the press hadn't taken much notice, but things started to change as the hunger strike moved into the eighth week, and Barry's health deteriorated sharply. The prison acknowledged he was in danger, the press slowly began to take notice, and before long there were media reports in both the local and national press and even some international interest. A permanent support camp was set up outside Full Sutton Prison near York where Barry was held, which drew even more interest from the media.
The second Home Office talks
The government was forced into action. Barry's local Member of Parliament, Tony Clarke, visited Barry in Prison on November 12th. Another meeting with Barry's supporters was agreed at the Home Office, which took place a week later on November 19th, 44 days into the hunger strike, at which Barry's MP Tony Clarke was also present.
A crucial difference this time was that Barry continued the hunger strike while the talks went ahead which gave the discussion more of a sense of urgency. There was talk of reform, dialogue, hints of more animals procedures inspectors, a reformed Animal Procedures Committee, but nothing concrete.
It was clear that the government was worried however, and desperate to know whether Barry would call off the hunger strike. The talks were once again recorded, and a copy of the tapes was taken to Barry the next day at Full Sutton Prison.
After a couple of days, Barry concluded that there was nothing on offer from the government, and he released a statement saying he would continue to the end if necessary.
With the media now alerted to the campaign, and at least some of protest aims achieved, Barry now took a decision to simplify the demands of the campaign. All he would now call for was for the government to honour its pledge for a Royal Commission to examine the validity of animal experiments. This appeared so reasonable that even some in the mainstream media expressed sympathy. The government was taken by surprise, but could not be seen to give in, claiming a Royal Commission would be too expensive among other excuses. The hunger strike continued, and so did the protests and support actions.
On 24th November, at the state opening of Parliament, several activists managed to drop a banner in support of Barry in front of the Queen's official car as it drove towards the Houses of Parliament, and the incident was seen on live TV. A short time later there was an even bigger security scare near the Prime Minister's residence. Two activists parked their car at the end of Downing St, slashed the car's tyres and used D-Locks to fasten their necks to the steering wheel. It took police an hour to remove the pair, while forty protesters held a support demo nearby, holding banners to explain the action.
Meanwhile also on 24th November, the after 49 days without food, Barry's health suddenly worsened further, and he was rushed from prison to York District Hospital. The permanent vigil was also moved to the hospital.
At this news the already high media interest became a frenzy. Calls began to flood into the campaign from local and national papers, then from radio and TV, and then from reporters around the world. Soon there was a media camp too outside the hospital, with daily press briefings by Barry's supporters to ranks of reporters and cameras.
The pressure on the government was also increasing. Two days after the move to hospital, a Labour MP, Kerry Pollard faxed a letter to Barry at the hospital which purported to be new proposals. It was around 8 pages long, and Barry was in no condition to concentrate.
He decided to take sugared tea and fruit juice in order to be able to evaluate the proposals. Three days later on November 29th, Barry decided the 'proposals' were not enough, and resumed the water only fast. Later the government and media would use this in a cynical attempt to undermine the hunger strike.
For the next week Barry remained determined, but was weakening by the day. The media coverage continued to at fever-pitch, several times it was the main item on national TV news, and the name Barry Horne became internationally famous. More importantly the issue of animal experiments and the government's broken promises was coming under intense scrutiny.
On 5th December, there was another approach from the government. Barry's MP Tony Clarke suggested another meeting, this time between some of Barry's supporters and MP's at the House of Commons. Barry rejected this, after 60 days on hunger strikes he said there had been enough meetings, he was running out of time.
The following day on Sunday 6th December, seven refrigerated lorries were burned out in an attack by ALF activists at a chicken processing factory in Crowton, Cheshire, causing hundreds of thousands of pounds in damages. The number of ALF actions was increasing, and both sides were well aware that Barry's protest was largely responsible.
On 9th December there were more communications from the government. Ian Cawsey MP, head of an parliamentary all-party animal welfare working group of MP's, stated that new proposals would mean that the Animals Procedures Committee would from now on report to his group. He said this group could 'make a real and independent impact'. On the same day it emerged that the Animals Procedures Committee had met that day to discuss the hunger strike, and in its first ever press release confirmed that the APC would report directly to the parliamentary group. An article appeared in the Guardian newspaper about the hunger strike, in which Professor Banner, head of the APC stated "..things cannot go on as they are." Clearly they were beginning to fear the consequences of Barry's death on hunger strike.
The following day, when copies of the proposals were taken into Barry in hospital, he was too ill to take in the information. This was made worse by the fact his eyesight was now also very poor. It was agreed that his supporters would be allowed to visit again the following day at 12 noon to speak to him again.
Events then took a sinister twist. About an hour after his visitors left, the authorities took the decision to move Barry out of the hospital and back to the top security Full Sutton prison.
We will never know for sure what happened during these few hours, but it was clear to Barry's friends that he was never the same person afterwards. It was at best a cynical and callous act perpetrated by a cowardly goverment terrified of the consequences of an Animal Liberation prisoner dying in custody.
Back in prison, when supporters were able to visit him, Barry had was no longer able to focus and would sometimes forget he was on hunger strike. He was incapable of making any decision about the government proposals he was supposed to be reading.
Finally on day 68 of the protest, Sunday 13th December, Barry agreed to take food again, and he was immediately rushed back to York District Hospital as he would have to be carefully monitored if he was to survive.
The government, with the help of its media lackies, immediately put into action a dirty tricks campaign to discredit Barry and the campaign. Headlines appeared claiming the whole thing had been a hoax and there had been no hunger strike.
Barry survived after months of terrible agony as his body struggled to overcome the pain. But he never truly recovered physically or mentally from the third hunger strike. He died less than three years later on November 5th 2001 of liver failure in the hospital wing of Long Lartin Prison in Worcestershire.
Hundreds of activists turned out at his funeral in Norhampton to pay tribute to a brave warrior for the animals. His coffin was carried through the streets of the town by his comrades. After a Pagan funeral, he was laid to rest under an oak tree planted above his grave, with a simple wooden plaque to mark the spot.
Those who know Barry knew it was his decision entirely to undertake the hunger strike protests, and our role was to support him in any way we could. He always said that the protests should be used to the fullest extent to further the cause of animal liberation.
Barry's actions brought worldwide attention to the issue of animals in laboratories and animal abuse in general. In doing so he inspired a whole new generation of activists to take up where he left off.
Today the animal liberation movement is firmly established as a world-wide force. There is no doubt that this can be attributed in large part to the actions of Barry Horne and the hunger strike campaigns.